Part 1 of 5: "When the Head of 9/11 Justice Research Dismissed the Book That Became Tucker Carlson's Bombshell" (Conclusion of Part 1 )
VI. The Marshall-Carlson Comparison
Marshall and Carlson argue identically: the CIA tracked al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi from the January 2000 Malaysia summit, knew they entered the United States on January 15, 2000, deliberately concealed their presence from the FBI despite the FBI's counterterrorism mandate, most plausibly attempted to recruit them as intelligence assets, and when recruitment failed and attacks proceeded, they concealed the operation, allowing the "intelligence failure" narrative to protect the CIA from accountability for operational failure. Saudi intelligence operative Omar al-Bayoumi facilitated the hijackers' stay in San Diego. The explanatory framework is identical: the CIA ran an operation, the operation failed catastrophically, and the agency concealed the operation through a "failure" narrative that paradoxically rewarded the CIA with expanded budgets and powers.
...the CIA tracked al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi from the January 2000 Malaysia summit, knew they entered the United States on January 15, 2000, deliberately concealed their presence from the FBI despite the FBI's counterterrorism mandate, most plausibly attempted to recruit them as intelligence assets, and when recruitment failed and attacks proceeded, they concealed the operation, allowing the "intelligence failure" narrative to protect the CIA from accountability for operational failure...
Both rely substantially on the same evidence: CIA surveillance of al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi at the January 2000 al-Qaeda summit in Kuala Lumpur, photographing them, learning their names, tracking their movements; CIA learning al-Mihdhar had U.S. visa and al-Hazmi had entered the United States but not sharing information with FBI, with multiple documented instances including Doug Miller's draft cable to FBI blocked by Alec Station chief, Mark Rossini explicitly ordered not to inform FBI headquarters, information that could have triggered FBI investigation deliberately withheld; CIA's bin Laden unit systematically blocking information sharing, documented by 9/11 Commission but characterized as dysfunction rather than intentional concealment, confirmed by CIA Inspector General's 2005 report though with no recommended disciplinary action; Richard Clarke's public statement that he can find "no benign explanation" for CIA's behavior; Omar al-Bayoumi's documented role encountering the hijackers at a restaurant in Los Angeles shortly after their arrival, befriending them, helping them find housing, providing financial support, introducing them to the local mosque, with the 28 pages of the Congressional report documenting Bayoumi's connections to Saudi intelligence and government funding; and the 9/11 Commission's constrained investigation-- limited time, limited budget, limited access to classified materials, CIA obstruction of witness access, key documents withheld or destroyed, executive director Philip Zelikow's conflicts of interest through close ties to Condoleezza Rice and work on Bush transition team.
Carlson's advantage is getting Rossini, Clarke, and Kiriakou on camera. But all three had spoken publicly before-- Rossini to congressional inquiries, Clarke in books and interviews, and Kiriakou after his release from prison. Carlson didn't uncover new sources; he filmed existing sources.
Richard Clarke's public statement that he can find "no benign explanation" for CIA's behavior
Marshall's book goes further in several areas. Both address World Trade Center Building 7's collapse and question the official NIST explanation-- the building was not hit by a plane but collapsed symmetrically at free-fall speed in the afternoon of September 11th. Both use experts arguing fire-induced collapse is inconsistent with observed evidence. Marshall provides more technical analysis using his engineering and aviation background. Carlson's Episode 4 interviews experts questioning the official narrative, demonstrating willingness to address even the most taboo aspects of 9/11 skepticism. Marshall documents Saudi financial connections in more detail, tracing funding flows beyond al-Bayoumi to suggest higher-level Saudi government involvement. Carlson mentions Saudi connections but doesn't develop them extensively, perhaps strategically avoiding politically explosive implications about U.S.-Saudi relations. As a commercial airline pilot, Marshall questions whether hijackers with limited flight training could have executed precise maneuvers attributed to them, particularly the Pentagon strike requiring high-speed descent and a level approach. Carlson avoids the subject entirely. Marshall examines forensic evidence from the Pentagon and Pennsylvania crash sites more extensively. Carlson focuses almost exclusively on the CIA recruitment operation thesis, treating other 9/11 aspects as beyond his scope. Marshall explicitly builds on Peter Dale Scott's theoretical work about how intelligence agencies operate beyond democratic oversight, creating parallel power structures escaping accountability. Carlson presents his documentary as an original investigation rather than a synthesis of prior research, not citing Scott, Ruppert, or other researchers whose work underlies the analysis.
Carlson's advantages include establishment source credibility from getting Rossini, Clarke, and Kiriakou on camera-- former FBI, CIA, and White House officials whose testimony carries weight that anonymous sources or documentary evidence alone cannot; professional filmmaking making information accessible and emotionally compelling in ways text cannot (seeing Rossini describe being told "No, you can't send that cable" has impact reading the same information lacks); strategic boundaries demonstrating he's not playing entirely safe by addressing Building 7 while avoiding more controversial claims like Pentagon missile theories, showing willingness for taboo territory while maintaining some boundaries keeping the documentary from being immediately dismissible; platform and timing with 14 million X followers, mainstream media career, and 2024 release when trust in intelligence agencies is at historic lows, whereas Marshall published in 2012 when faith in institutions hadn't collapsed to current levels and when key figures were still alive and potentially subject to accountability; and political positioning where Carlson's right-wing credentials paradoxically help because conservative criticism of intelligence agencies gets more respectful mainstream hearing than left-wing criticism-- when left-wing researchers question CIA it's dismissed as ideological bias, when right-wing figures question CIA it's treated as principled skepticism of government power.
Both share a methodological problem: reliance on inference about CIA motive. The documentary evidence shows the CIA tracked the hijackers, blocked the FBI from learning about their U.S. presence, and provided no explanation for this blocking that addresses the evidence. Both make the inference that the CIA was attempting to recruit them as intelligence assets. This inference is plausible, perhaps even probable, but not documented. No CIA cable says, "We're running a recruitment operation on al-Mihdhar and al-Hazmi." No whistleblower has come forward with direct knowledge of such an operation. The recruitment hypothesis explains observed behavior better than alternatives like incompetence or bureaucratic dysfunction, but it remains an inference. This is precisely the methodological problem that would make Robinson deem Marshall's book "not useful in research terms-- "when building an academic argument, you must distinguish clearly between what's documented and what's inferred. Marshall often doesn't make this distinction enough. Carlson commits the same sin. The documentary presents the recruitment hypothesis as revelation rather than inference. Emotional pacing and dramatic framing suggest certainty where evidence provides only probability. Yet Carlson's version reaches a mass audience, while Marshall's was dismissed by the head of the International Center for 9/11 Justice, and Marshall is dead.
Methodological rigor is not what determines cultural impact. Platform power and timing are.
VII. The Messenger Problem: When Alternative Media Runs on Surveillance InfrastructureEven alternative media platforms, which provide a voice to marginalized researchers, function within infrastructure under the control of those who profit from the surveillance and military systems under investigation. Glenn Greenwald, who made his name publishing Edward Snowden's NSA surveillance revelations and won a Pulitzer Prize for exposing unconstitutional domestic spying, now publishes primarily on Rumble-- a video platform positioning itself as a free-speech alternative to YouTube. Rumble secured major funding in 2021 from investors including Peter Thiel and JD Vance, now Vice President of the United States.
The contradiction is stark. The journalist who exposed NSA surveillance publishes on a platform substantially funded by Thiel, whose other company, Palantir Technologies, provides surveillance and data analytics tools to the CIA, FBI, NSA, and military with contracts worth billions. Palantir's technology enables precisely the comprehensive data mining and pattern analysis Greenwald spent years condemning. Palantir has been directly complicit in building Israel's surveillance infrastructure in Gaza-- the comprehensive monitoring system enabling targeting operations resulting in tens of thousands of Palestinian deaths in 2023-2024.
John Kiriakou, the CIA whistleblower who exposed the torture program and served prison time under the Espionage Act, now works as a paid consultant for Fox News-- the network that spent years defending the torture program he was imprisoned for revealing, arguing "enhanced interrogation" wasn't really torture and critics were soft on terrorism.
JD Vance, who co-invested with Thiel in Rumble while publicly transforming from Trump critic to Trump supporter, now serves as vice president while maintaining equity stakes in alternative media infrastructure hosting supposedly independent journalism critical of government power.
There is no position fully outside power's gravitational field. Even adversarial journalism depends on infrastructure-- servers, bandwidth, payment processing, audience reach-- increasingly controlled by billionaires with intelligence community connections, political figures with government offices, and companies profiting from military and surveillance contracts. Such involvement doesn't make Greenwald or Kiriakou personally complicit in torture or genocide. Their journalism has been consistently critical of these abuses. But it illustrates how capital's gravity works, how power adapts to contain dissent by providing its infrastructure, and how even the most adversarial voices end up financially dependent on those they criticize.
Carlson can ask important questions about 9/11 while selling pocket fishermen. Greenwald can expose surveillance while publishing on a Thiel-funded platform. Kiriakou can condemn torture while taking Fox News money. All demonstrate structural reality: the infrastructure of dissent operates on capital extracted from the violence and surveillance it ostensibly opposes.
This complication will become more pronounced examining Gaza in Part 5, where Palantir's surveillance technology-- built by the company whose founder funds the platform hosting critical journalism-- directly enabled targeting systems killing civilians. We will return to this problem in detail, examining specific figures-- Greenwald's trajectory, Kiriakou's contradictions, and Vance's transformation-- in later parts. For now, we note that the messenger problem extends beyond individual credibility to structural dependency. Alternative media exists, but on terms, power has learned to accommodate and profit from.
VIII. Why This Matters: The 9/11 Commission and Democratic AccountabilityWhen the head of the International Center for 9/11 Justice finds a book "not useful in research terms," but a TV celebrity repackages its thesis to reach tens of millions, we face a crisis in how democratic societies determine truth.
The pattern of delayed, insufficient accountability began with the investigation itself. Families of victims began demanding proper investigation within months of the attacks. They were dismissed as grief-crazed, as falling prey to conspiracy theories, as misunderstanding the complexity of intelligence work. The Bush administration initially opposed any investigation, arguing it would distract from the War on Terror and compromise ongoing operations. When political pressure made investigation unavoidable, the administration attempted control by appointing Henry Kissinger as commission chairman-- a man with extensive conflicts of interest, including business relationships with Saudi Arabia, a documented history of facilitating cover-ups as Secretary of State, and whose consulting firm represented clients with interests in the investigation's outcome. Public outcry forced Kissinger's resignation after he refused to disclose his client list.
His replacement, former New Jersey Governor Thomas Kean, was only slightly more independent. The appointment of Philip Zelikow as executive director-- the position controlling day-to-day operations, document access, and final report drafting-- was explicitly strategic. Zelikow had co-authored a book with National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, served on the Bush transition team, and written position papers advocating preemptive war doctrine. He was an administration insider positioned to shape the investigation's conclusions.
The Commission operated under severe constraints. Budget: $3 million initially allocated, later increased to $15 million total. Compare this to the $50 million spent investigating Monica Lewinsky's relationship with President Clinton. The deadliest attack on American soil since Pearl Harbor received less investigative funding than a sex scandal. Timeline: 18 months from formation to final report. For an event involving intelligence from multiple agencies across years, aviation security, building collapses, military response, and nearly 3,000 deaths-- this was deliberately insufficient. Subpoena power: weak. The Commission could request documents but had limited ability to compel their production. Key agencies, particularly the CIA, withheld documents, claiming national security concerns. The Commission had no authority to challenge this classification.
Witness testimony constraints were telling. The Commission could not compel sworn testimony from key officials. President Bush and Vice President Cheney agreed to be interviewed only under specific conditions: together, not separately; not under oath; with no transcript produced; and with no recording devices present. This arrangement guaranteed they could coordinate accounts and that no permanent record would exist to contradict their statements or allow future scrutiny. Document access was limited and controlled. Intelligence agencies determined what the Commission could see. Documents were made available in reading rooms where commissioners and staff could take notes but not make copies. Thousands of pages of relevant material were withheld entirely.
The final report was drafted primarily by Zelikow, who controlled which evidence received emphasis and which got minimized or omitted. Commissioner Max Cleland resigned in protest, calling the investigation "a national scandal" and stating, "This White House wants to cover it up." The result was a report characterizing deliberate concealment as "institutional dysfunction," making recommendations for expanded intelligence powers without addressing why agencies that had failed so catastrophically should be trusted with more authority, and omitting the collapse of World Trade Center Building 7 entirely despite it being the first steel-frame high-rise in history to collapse primarily from fire.
Democracy requires citizens capable of evaluating competing claims about power based on evidence. This requires access to information through government transparency, free press, and whistleblower protections; methodological literacy to distinguish evidence from inference, correlation from causation, and credible from incredible sources; shared epistemic standards about what constitutes proof, what's speculation, and what's unknowable; good faith discourse where willingness to follow evidence even when politically inconvenient exists; and timely accountability where consequences for failure or malfeasance arrive while perpetrators are still in power.
The JFK-Marshall-Carlson-Robinson comparison combined with the constrained 9/11 Commission reveals all five requirements failing. The CIA continues withholding documents about Alec Station's activities 24 years later. JFK documents remain classified 61 years later. Whistleblowers face prosecution-- Kiriakou served prison time. Classification shields institutional crimes from scrutiny indefinitely. Most citizens cannot distinguish between Robinson's rigorous scholarship (ignored), Marshall's flawed but comprehensive research (dismissed), and Carlson's entertainment (succeeds). They evaluate production values and celebrity credibility, not evidence quality. Tier 1 dismisses all skepticism as conspiracy theory. Tier 2 maintains academic standards but remains invisible. Tier 3 lacks methodological rigor. Tier 4 bypasses standards entirely through entertainment. No shared agreement exists about what constitutes proof. Mainstream media won't engage seriously with critical scholarship. Academic critics won't engage with flawed methodology. Entertainment bypasses discourse entirely. No space exists for evidence-based argument to occur. JFK took sixty years. 9/11 took twenty-four. In both cases, truth emerges only after those responsible are dead, retired, or politically untouchable. The time elapsed between the event and the honest reckoning consistently surpasses both political memory and the statute of limitations.
When citizens cannot reliably determine truth, propaganda flourishes through epistemological chaos rather than censorship. True claims get dismissed as conspiracy theories. Well-evidenced analysis remains invisible. Methodologically flawed but important questions get marginalized, and researchers are sometimes found dead. Entertainment that has methodological problems but good production values succeeds-- but only when accountability becomes impossible. People cannot distinguish between true and false, so they default to trusting sources confirming existing beliefs, evaluating entertainment value rather than evidence, following celebrity endorsements rather than expert analysis, or giving up on truth entirely. The result is the epistemological environment where the "Rolling Pearl Harbor" pattern can continue. If citizens cannot learn from historical patterns because they cannot determine what actually happened, power can repeat the same crisis-exploitation playbook indefinitely.
IX. Series RoadmapThis series examines a historical pattern where catastrophic events-- whether orchestrated, allowed, or merely exploited-- serve as permission structures for imperial expansion and domestic surveillance growth. From the Reichstag Fire through Pearl Harbor, the Gulf of Tonkin, the JFK assassination, and 9/11, crises have enabled actions previously unthinkable.
Understanding this pattern requires solving the epistemological problem first. We must reliably determine what happened in the past to recognize the pattern repeating in the present. The JFK-Marshall-Carlson-Robinson comparison demonstrates why such an analysis is difficult. It has been sixty years between Oswald's CIA surveillance and Morley's revelations. It has been twelve years since Marshall's book and Carlson's documentary were released. The head of 9/11 justice research maintains rigorous standards but remains invisible to the public. Self-published researchers ask important questions but lack methodological rigor and sometimes end up dead. Celebrity entertainers reach mass audiences but bypass evidentiary standards entirely-- and only after accountability has become impossible.
Part 2 examines journalism's collapse post-9/11, including Judith Miller's WMD fabrications, problems across left-right-center media where each has credibility failures, and returns to journalism's cardinal rules: multiple independent sources, documentary corroboration, treating claims as if on trial, and transparent limitations. Case studies include the New York Times's Iraq War propaganda and the 2024 "9/11: Inside Air Force One" propaganda film The documentary features a "never-before-told" account from Bush administration officials that raises questions about who was filming, why TV malfunctions were conveniently documented, and Karl Rove's dismissal of the "reality-based community," which claims that power can create reality rather than being constrained by facts. When establishment media abandon adversarial journalism, academic scholarship remains invisible, and only commercial entertainment reaches a mass audience, how do citizens distinguish truth from propaganda? The finding: to determine credibility, one must return to journalism's fundamentals, recognizing that institutional media has comprehensively failed and that only adversarial journalism can hold power accountable.
Part 3 examines how agencies that "failed" to prevent 9/11 received massive budget increases, expanded surveillance powers, and promoted rather than punished personnel responsible for blocking intelligence. This part traces post-9/11 consequences: the PATRIOT Act, NSA surveillance programs, CIA torture, Guantanamo, and the drone assassination program. Frank Church's 1975 warning about technology enabling tyranny connects to Edward Snowden's 2013 revelations proving Church's fears realized. John Kiriakou's trajectory examined in detail: initially defended torture in 2007, later exposed it as ineffective, was the only person connected to the program who went to prison, and is now a Fox News consultant. The pattern shows crisis enables expansion, expansion is concealed through classification, and whistleblowers who reveal abuses are imprisoned while criminals are promoted. From an agency perspective, "failure" leading to budget increases is actually success. This incentive structure means preventing attacks-- which provides no public credit or budget justification-- is less valuable institutionally than allowing attacks justifying expansion. The finding: intelligence agencies' institutional interests are served by crises rather than prevented by them, creating an incentive structure where catastrophic "failures" are rewarded while success through prevention remains invisible.
Part 4 examines ideological foundations enabling crisis exploitation: Kissinger's Chile coup doctrine rejecting democratic outcomes when they produce "wrong" results, Karl Rove's "reality-based community" dismissal claiming empire creates reality, and the careers of rogue operators like Duane Clarridge and Cofer Black, whose contempt for law and democratic oversight was rewarded rather than punished. John Brennan's trajectory examined comprehensively: Riyadh station chief during visa operation period, positioning him to know about hijackers obtaining visas; present at headquarters during Alec Station blocking; career advanced post-9/11 rather than facing accountability; fabricated bin Laden raid details in 2011, claiming bin Laden used his wife as a human shield before story unraveled within days yet Brennan faced no consequences, hacked Senate Intelligence Committee investigating CIA torture in 2014, lied publicly about it, caught lying by CIA's own Inspector General, apologized privately, faced zero consequences, now MSNBC contributor defending power. Glenn Greenwald's evolution examined: Iraq War supporter radicalized by lies, published Snowden revelations, forced out of The Intercept he co-founded, now publishes on Rumble funded by Peter Thiel whose Palantir provides surveillance tech to agencies Greenwald exposes and JD Vance is now VP with an equity stake in alternative media. JD Vance's transformation analyzed: Never-Trump critic to Trump's VP, Rumble investment in 2021 coinciding with political repositioning, power learning to invest in and profit from infrastructure of dissent rather than suppressing it. The finding: realpolitik doctrine explicitly rejects democratic constraint on executive power as openly stated position rather than hidden conspiracy, creating permission structure where crisis exploitation is built into the system.
...Glenn Greenwald's evolution examined: Iraq War supporter radicalized by lies, published Snowden revelations, forced out of The Intercept he co-founded, now publishes on Rumble funded by Peter Thiel whose Palantir provides surveillance tech to agencies Greenwald exposes and JD Vance is now VP with an equity stake in alternative media...
Part 5 applies the established pattern to Gaza post-October 7, 2023. Intelligence is documented in the Jericho Wall report, which details Hamas attack plans, includes Egyptian warnings issued three days prior, and features IDF observers reporting suspicious activity. Intelligence gets ignored with warnings dismissed as "aspirational," minimal border security during Simchat Torah, response delayed hours. Attack occurs with 1,200 Israelis killed, approximately 250 hostages taken. Overwhelming response follows with 45,000-plus Palestinians killed, 100,000-plus wounded, 2.3 million displaced, total infrastructure destruction, famine as weapon. U.S. co-authorship examined in detail through weapons provision, AI targeting systems like Lavender and Gospel built with U.S. technology, Palantir's surveillance infrastructure enabling genocide, diplomatic protection, legal framework via Hamas FTO designation. Netanyahu benefits personally with corruption trials suspended, unity government formed, protests ended, political survival secured. Whistleblowers get destroyed with 120-plus journalists killed in Gaza representing highest rate in history. Critics get delegitimized as "antisemite" or "Hamas sympathizer" with blocking of ICJ genocide case and threatening of ICC prosecutors. The Palantir connection traced comprehensively: Thiel's company built Gaza's surveillance infrastructure before October 7 enabling comprehensive monitoring facilitating targeting operations, same company funds Rumble where Greenwald who exposes surveillance now publishes, capital extracted from Palestinian suffering funds infrastructure of dissent supposedly opposing that violence. Whether October 7 was allowed, facilitated, or merely exploited becomes less important than recognizing it follows the Rolling Pearl Harbor template where crisis enables previously unacceptable actions including genocide openly conducted, with U.S. as co-author providing weapons, technology, and protection rather than bystander. The finding: Gaza represents perfection of the template as openly documented genocide continuing despite legal challenges, proving pattern recognition alone is insufficient without political will to break the cycle.
The Coda presents a chronological multimedia essay letting readers see the pattern through primary sources: Reichstag Fire and Nazi consolidation, Pearl Harbor congressional hearings, Eisenhower's farewell address, Gulf of Tonkin and Pentagon Papers, JFK assassination and continuing classification with Morley's revelations, Church Committee warning with video of his "turnkey tyranny" statement, Cuban Missile Crisis and Ellsberg's Doomsday Machine, Snowden revelations showing Church's warning realized, Manning/Assange/Winner/Kiriakou as whistleblowers destroyed, and October 7 and Gaza as a pattern repeating in real-time.
X. ConclusionWe opened with Jefferson Morley documenting that the truth about JFK's assassination took sixty years to acknowledge. We moved to Piers Robinson, head of the International Center for 9/11 Justice, finding Phillip Marshall's book "not useful in research terms." Robinson was probably right about methodology while being utterly wrong about cultural impact.
Marshall's book, methodologically flawed, contained the seed of truth Tucker Carlson transformed into a cultural phenomenon. Robinson's rigorous scholarship, methodologically sound, remains invisible to the public that needs it most. Marshall is dead-- found with his children and dog in circumstances ruled murder-suicide but questioned by those who knew him, having expressed concerns for his safety, prepared an updated edition of his book with additional material, and mentioned receiving threats. Morley spent decades forcing JFK document disclosure through FOIA litigation, largely ignored by mainstream media. Carlson sells pocket fishermen between documentary segments and reaches tens of millions.
Maintaining academic standards makes work invisible. Abandoning standards to reach mass audience through commercial entertainment succeeds, but only after accountability becomes impossible. Attempting synthesis without sufficient rigor sometimes ends in death. The question of whether there's a path combining Robinson's rigor, Morley's persistence, Marshall's comprehensive questioning, and Carlson's reach finds its answer in returning to journalism's cardinal rules-- multiple sources, documentation, trial standards-- while making analysis accessible without becoming entertainment, writing for educated non-academic readership, maintaining intellectual honesty about evidentiary limits while building comprehensive case, acknowledging Robinson's legitimate critique of Marshall while recognizing Carlson's success proves platform power overrides methodology, learning from Morley that decades of FOIA litigation can force disclosure but usually too late for accountability.
If we cannot solve the epistemological problem-- if rigorous scholarship remains invisible while commercial entertainment dominates, if truth arrives only after consequences become impossible-- then the Rolling Pearl Harbor pattern will continue. Citizens learn only from reliably accessible history. Democracy cannot function when determining truth is impossible. JFK took sixty years. 9/11 took twenty-four. Gaza is happening now, in real-time, fully documented. Yet the pattern continues because epistemological collapse prevents learning from pattern recognition.
Gaza repeats 9/11 because we never understood it. We never understood 9/11 because we never understood JFK. We never understood JFK because truth arrived six decades late-- after everyone responsible had died, retired, or become untouchable. The head of 9/11 justice research is invisible, while a TV celebrity selling organics reaches millions. The family finds the researcher who documented the pattern dead. The journalist who spent decades forcing JFK disclosure works in obscurity while celebrity entertainers get credit for presenting his findings. Until we build systems that force accountability in real time rather than decades later, that reward rigorous scholarship with reach rather than invisibility, and that protect rather than destroy whistleblowers and researchers, the pattern will continue.
The next crisis-- whether genuine intelligence failure, allowed catastrophe, or deliberate provocation-- will follow the same script: immediate official narrative, dismissed skeptics, decades of concealment, belated partial disclosure, no accountability, expanded powers for those who failed, and celebrity platforms finally asking questions after it no longer matters. The conspiracy theorists were right about JFK. They were right about 9/11. They're right about Gaza. But being right three decades late, or six decades late, or too late to stop ongoing genocide, is not victory. The system operates precisely as intended, delivering the truth too late to have any significant impact.
Sources and Further Reading Documents and Official ReportsNational Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (2004). The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States. W.W. Norton & Company.
U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (1975). Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans (Book II, Final Report, S. Rep. No. 94-755). U.S. Government Printing Office.
CIA Office of the Inspector General (2005). OIG Report on CIA Accountability With Respect to the 9/11 Attacks. Central Intelligence Agency. [Heavily redacted version released pursuant to FOIA requests]
Warren Commission (1964). Report of the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. U.S. Government Printing Office.
House Select Committee on Assassinations (1979). Report of the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives. U.S. Government Printing Office.
Books and MonographsMarshall, Phillip D. (2012). The Big Bamboozle: 9/11 and the War on Terror. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform.
Scott, Peter Dale (2015). Dallas '63: The First Deep State Revolt Against the White House. Skyhorse Publishing.
Morley, Jefferson (2023). Scorpions' Dance: The President, the Spymaster, and Watergate. St. Martin's Press.
Greenwald, Glenn (2014). No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State. Metropolitan Books.
Griffin, David Ray (2004). The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions About the Bush Administration and 9/11. Olive Branch Press.
Documentary FilmsCarlson, Tucker (Executive Producer) (2024). The 9/11 Files [Documentary series]. Tucker Carlson Network.
Journalism and Investigative ReportingMorley, Jefferson (2017-present). JFK Facts [Website]. .jfkfacts.org/
Cleland, Max (2003, November 21). Bush's 9/11 Cover-Up? Salon.
The New York Times (Various dates, 2002-2003). Judith Miller's WMD reporting. [Note: Later retracted and criticized by Times public editor]
Interviews and Public StatementsGreenwald, Glenn (2023, September 12). Tucker Carlson discusses his transformation on questioning government narratives [Video interview]. System Update. Rumble.
Church, Frank (1975, August 17). Interview on domestic surveillance. Meet the Press. NBC News. [Video available on YouTube]
Freedom of Information Act ReleasesCIA documents on Lee Harvey Oswald (Released 2023). National Archives and Records Administration.
George Joannides operational files (Partially released following Morley FOIA litigation). Central Intelligence Agency.
Additional ResourcesRobinson, Piers (2017-present). Organisation for Propaganda Studies [Website]. .propagandastudies.org/
International Center for 9/11 Justice [Website]. .ic911.org/
National Security Archive, George Washington University. The archive contains a variety of declassified documents related to intelligence operations.
