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The Missile, the Carrier and the New Battle for Persian Gulf Oil

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.
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The Missile, the Carrier and the New Battle for Persian Gulf Oil
The Missile, the Carrier and the New Battle for Persian Gulf Oil
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The Missile, the Carrier and the New Battle for Persian Gulf Oil

By A. Sadeghian, Ph.D.

The Missile Attack That Matters More Than the Boasts

Something important happened in the Persian Gulf on September 5, and its significance has been partially obscured by the predictable propaganda surrounding it. Iranian officials, particularly Mohsen Rezaei, have made expansive claims about a new missile and its effect on American naval forces. Those claims cannot presently be independently verified and should not form the basis of serious analysis. The more consequential account comes from the United States itself. U.S. Central Command reported that Iran launched multiple ballistic missiles toward two American warships-- an aircraft carrier and a guided-missile destroyer-- and that both vessels "successfully evaded" the attacks. No American personnel were reported injured (U.S. Central Command, 2026).

Iran therefore did not demonstrate that it could sink an American aircraft carrier, and an unsuccessful attack should not be transformed into a military victory. But whether the missiles hit their targets is not the only important question raised by the incident. The more interesting question is how Iran located a moving American naval formation with sufficient timeliness to launch ballistic missiles toward it and cause the vessels to take evasive action. The strategic significance of the episode may therefore lie less in what the missiles ultimately accomplished than in the surveillance, targeting, communications and command system that apparently operated before they were launched.

Modern long-range anti-ship warfare is fundamentally an information problem before it becomes a missile problem. A fixed military installation remains at known coordinates, while a warship moves. Its location when initially detected may no longer be its location when a missile reaches the target area. An effective maritime strike therefore requires a sequence of connected operations: finding the vessel, identifying it correctly, tracking its movement, communicating sufficiently current targeting information, launching the weapon and, depending upon the missile's capabilities, reacquiring or correcting toward the target during the terminal phase. Breaking an important link anywhere in this chain can cause an attack to fail. The September 5 incident therefore raises a question that should concern military planners independently of Iranian rhetoric: how much of this surveillance-to-strike chain has Iran now demonstrated that it can perform?

What Was the Missile?

Iran's newly emphasized Qassem Basir ballistic missile is relevant to this question, although there is currently no reliable public evidence establishing that Qassem Basir was the weapon used against the American warships. The Associated Press reported on September 7 that Iranian state media presented Qassem Basir as evidence of a more assertive military doctrine. The solid-fueled ballistic missile reportedly has a range of at least 1,200 kilometers, improved accuracy and a warhead weighing approximately half a ton. Importantly, the Associated Press also reported that it remains unclear whether the missile Mohsen Rezaei claimed had been tested against an American warship was actually Qassem Basir (Associated Press, 2026). That uncertainty matters because claims about a weapon's performance should not be confused with evidence of its performance.

Nevertheless, the technical characteristics attributed to Qassem Basir illustrate the direction in which Iranian missile development has been moving. Jane's reported when the missile was unveiled that it incorporates an electro-optical guidance system and improved maneuverability. Imagery associated with the unveiling appeared to indicate a terminal seeker, possibly infrared, intended to improve accuracy during the final portion of flight (Jane's, 2025). Such a capability becomes particularly important when the intended target is moving. A conventional ballistic missile aimed at a fixed installation can be programmed against known coordinates, but a ship presents a fundamentally different problem. During the interval between detection, transmission of targeting information, missile launch and arrival, the vessel may have traveled a considerable distance. Terminal guidance and maneuverability potentially allow a missile to compensate for at least part of that movement.

The longer-term development may extend beyond a single Iranian ballistic missile. Recent reporting by the Financial Times indicates that Russia has been assisting Iran with ramjet technology relevant to the development of domestically produced supersonic cruise missiles (Financial Times, 2026). If that effort progresses alongside Iran's ballistic missiles, drones and existing anti-ship systems, Tehran's strategic objective does not necessarily have to be the spectacular sinking of an American aircraft carrier. A more attainable objective would be to increase the danger of operating close to Iran sufficiently that American commanders must devote greater resources to defense or move important naval assets farther away. Moving a carrier farther from Iranian territory increases flight times for carrier aircraft, increases aerial-refueling requirements and complicates surveillance and other operations. Iran therefore does not necessarily have to defeat the U.S. Navy to derive a strategic advantage; making operations closer to Iran more dangerous could itself change how American naval power is employed.

The September 5 attack may eventually prove to have been little more than an unsuccessful experiment, but it may also prove to have been an early demonstration of an evolving Iranian anti-ship capability. At present, the evidence allows the question to be raised but does not justify a definitive conclusion. What can be said with greater confidence is that the missile itself represents only one component of the problem. The ability to find a moving ship and deliver usable targeting information may ultimately prove more important than the particular missile Iran fired on September 5.

Finding the Carrier May Be More Important Than Hitting It

The carrier incident becomes especially interesting when the missile is separated conceptually from the surveillance system supporting it. Before a weapon can threaten a moving vessel, something must locate that vessel. The information must then be transmitted, processed and converted into sufficiently current targeting data. Iran could potentially obtain maritime information through combinations of coastal radar, aircraft, drones, satellites, electronic intelligence, ships or other surveillance systems. Publicly available information does not establish precisely which combination was used on September 5. What is established by the American account is that ballistic missiles were launched toward an aircraft carrier and guided-missile destroyer and that both ships successfully evaded the attacks (U.S. Central Command, 2026).

That matters because an American carrier formation is an exceptionally difficult target. It is mobile, heavily defended, surrounded by sophisticated sensors and escorts and supported by one of the world's most extensive intelligence and surveillance systems. A commercial oil tanker presents a very different problem. Tankers are enormous, comparatively slow, generally travel recognizable maritime routes and possess virtually none of the defensive capabilities of an American carrier group. If Iran can generate sufficiently useful information to launch missiles toward a maneuvering American naval formation, its potential ability to locate commercial vessels deserves serious attention. This brings the obscure but increasingly important subject of maritime transponders directly into the strategic equation.

The Ships That Disappear

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I was born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States in 1976 to study psychology. Over time, America became my home, and I later became a U.S. citizen. My professional career has centered on clinical neuropsychology, particularly (more...)
 
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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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(Member since Dec 13, 2006), 6 fans, 151 articles, 166 quicklinks, 1077 comments (How many times has this commenter been recommended?)
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Iran's Missiles Have Not Disappeared

One of the most important lessons of the Iran war is that repeated attacks on Iranian missile facilities have not eliminated Iran's ability to conduct sustained missile operations. Iran has employed a broad family of ballistic missiles, including Fateh-derived systems, Zolfaghar, Emad, Ghadr, Sejjil and Kheibar Shekan. Solid-fueled missiles are particularly important because they can be prepared and launched more rapidly than older liquid-fueled systems, while mobile launchers are harder to locate and destroy before firing.

The significance of these weapons is not simply their range. Iran has spent years improving accuracy, mobility, survivability and, in some systems, terminal maneuverability. Its missile arsenal can threaten American bases throughout the Persian Gulf as well as targets in Israel. The war has demonstrated another important reality: even when incoming missiles are successfully intercepted, the defender must expend sophisticated and costly interceptors. Missile defense therefore becomes partly a contest of inventories, production capacity and endurance.

There is also an important distinction between destroying missile launchers and destroying a missile force. Mobile launchers can disperse, missiles can remain in underground facilities, and solid-fueled weapons can emerge and launch comparatively quickly. American and Israeli attacks have undoubtedly damaged Iran's missile infrastructure, but the continuing launches demonstrate that a meaningful operational capability survives.

Most importantly, there is presently no convincing public evidence that Iran has exhausted its missile inventory. That does not mean the arsenal is unlimited, nor does it mean that months of attacks have caused no damage. It means something narrower but strategically important: predictions that Iran would simply run out of missiles have not yet been demonstrated by events. Iran continues to launch them.

The September 5 attack toward an American aircraft carrier and guided-missile destroyer raises an additional question. Ballistic missiles traditionally pose their greatest threat to fixed targets such as airfields, military bases, ports and infrastructure. A moving carrier is a much more difficult target because the attacker must locate it, track it, transmit accurate targeting information and then enable the weapon to reacquire or correct toward the target during the final phase of flight.

That is why the recent incident deserves attention even though the American ships successfully evaded the attack. Iran did not have to sink the carrier to demonstrate something important. It generated sufficient targeting information to launch ballistic missiles toward moving American warships and force them to maneuver defensively. If Iran continues improving the combination of missiles, drones, satellites, coastal radar, reconnaissance and terminal guidance, the strategic problem becomes substantially larger.

There is also an uncomfortable implication for the Persian Gulf oil trade. An aircraft carrier is fast, maneuverable, heavily defended and surrounded by an extraordinary collection of sensors and defensive weapons. A loaded oil tanker is enormous, slow, predictable and virtually defenseless by comparison. If Iran can increasingly threaten moving naval vessels, threatening commercial tankers, ports, terminals and other energy infrastructure becomes a considerably easier problem.

This is why Iran's remaining missile inventory matters far beyond the question of how many missiles it can fire at Israel or American bases. The missiles are becoming part of a larger contest over access to the Persian Gulf itself. The critical question is no longer simply how many missiles Iran has lost. It is how many remain, how quickly Iran can replace them, how accurately they can be targeted, and how long Iran can continue firing them. So far, there is no clear evidence that Iran has reached the end of that capability.

Submitted on Monday, Sep 7, 2026 at 8:47:24 PM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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HORMUZ'S NEW DANGER: IRAN'S RESTRICTED ZONE AND THE INSURANCE BLOCKADE

A new and potentially more serious dimension has been added to the confrontation in the Persian Gulf. Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, says Iran will announce a new restricted maritime zone extending from what Tehran considers the line of the American naval blockade toward the Strait of Hormuz and into parts of the Persian Gulf. Ships entering the zone could be placed on an Iranian sanctions list. At the same time, Iran and Oman are working on a new corridor for passage through Hormuz. The exact boundaries and enforcement mechanisms of the proposed Iranian zone have not yet been published.

But the most important part of this story may not be whether Iran possesses the naval power to enforce such a zone against the United States. The real issue is what happens to commercial shipping when military danger becomes unacceptable to shipowners and their insurers. Marine insurers have already cancelled or restricted war-risk coverage for vessels operating around Hormuz during this conflict. Insurance may still be obtainable in some circumstances, but at greatly increased cost and under conditions that can make a voyage commercially unattractive.

This gives Iran a form of leverage that is very different from defeating the U.S. Navy. Tehran does not necessarily have to sink a tanker or physically prevent every vessel from entering the Strait. If a shipping company believes that a vessel worth tens or hundreds of millions of dollars could be damaged, detained or sanctioned, and its insurer will not cover the risk except at an extraordinary priceï ? ? €”or at allï ? ? €”the commercial decision may be made before the ship ever approaches Hormuz. Rezaei himself has now connected Iran's proposed measures with the possibility that affected vessels will have difficulty obtaining insurance.

This is why the insurance issue deserves much more attention. A military blockade is visible: warships stop vessels. An economic blockade is less visible. Insurance companies increase premiums or withdraw coverage, shipowners postpone voyages, charter rates rise, crews become reluctant to sail, and traders search for alternatives. Eventually a waterway can remain technically open while becoming commercially unattractive or inaccessible to many vessels.

There is evidence that this process is already affecting traffic. Reuters reported on September 7 that an average of only about ten commodity vessels per day had transited Hormuz during the previous ten days, the lowest level since May. Before the present conflict, roughly one-fifth of global oil supplies moved through this narrow waterway. Brent crude has consequently remained above $97 as markets react to renewed military confrontation and uncertainty about shipping.

The result is an extraordinary situation. The United States is attempting to use its overwhelming naval superiority to blockade Iranian oil exports while allowing other commerce to move. Iran, unable to match American conventional military power, is trying to impose its own restrictions on vessels that cooperate with that system. Between the two stands the international shipping industry, which must satisfy owners, charterers, crews, banks and insurers before a tanker can sail.

This could produce something neither Washington nor Tehran formally declares: a de facto commercial blockade created by risk itself. The United States may control the stronger navy and Iran may control neither the entire Gulf nor international shipping, but neither fact guarantees normal commerce. If the probability and financial consequences of attack become sufficiently high, the market begins closing the waterway on its own.

That is also what makes the present escalation so dangerous. Every additional American blockade order, Iranian restricted zone, sanctions list, missile threat and insurance restriction adds another layer of uncertainty. A tanker captain may eventually face American instructions on one side, Iranian warnings on the other, and an insurance company telling the owner that entering the area could leave the vessel without adequate coverage.

The struggle over Hormuz therefore can no longer be understood simply as a contest between the U.S. Navy and Iran's military. The third force is the commercial market itself. And unlike a government, an insurance company does not have to win a war. It only has to decide that the risk is no longer worth insuring.

Submitted on Monday, Sep 7, 2026 at 9:40:24 PM

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