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The Qur'an and the Logic of Escalation: Why the Iran War Refuses to End

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THE QURAN AND LOGIC OF ESCLATION
THE QURAN AND LOGIC OF ESCLATION
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The Qur'an and the Logic of Escalation: Why the Iran War Refuses to End

By Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.
Clinical Neuropsychologist

Military analysts generally explain the continuing confrontation between the United States and Iran in terms of deterrence, military capability, regional alliances, and domestic political pressures. These explanations are important, but they may not tell the entire story. There is another dimension that receives remarkably little attention in Western strategic analysis: the religious framework through which Iran's political leadership often interprets conflict. Whether one supports or opposes the Islamic Republic, understanding how its leaders publicly frame war and retaliation is essential if one hopes to understand why the conflict repeatedly returns to the battlefield despite repeated diplomatic efforts.

Recent weeks have demonstrated this pattern with striking clarity. Following the collapse of negotiations, the United States resumed air strikes against Iranian military targets, particularly around the Strait of Hormuz, arguing that the attacks were intended to protect international shipping and degrade Iran's military capabilities. Iran responded with missile and drone attacks against American military facilities and regional partners. The result has been another cycle of attack and retaliation rather than a return to diplomacy.

Many commentators interpret this simply as deterrence theory in action. Washington strikes to restore credibility. Tehran retaliates to restore deterrence. Each side believes that failure to respond would invite further aggression. While this explanation has considerable merit, it overlooks the possibility that Iran's leaders are also operating within a religious and legal tradition that explicitly discusses how aggression should be answered.

The Qur'an contains one of the clearest statements on proportional retaliation in Surah Al-Baqarah (2:194):

"Whoever has assaulted you, then assault him in the same way that he has assaulted you. And fear Allah and know that Allah is with those who fear Him."

This phrase " ("in the same manner as he attacked you") has traditionally been understood by Islamic jurists as expressing the principle of proportionality. Retaliation is permitted, but it should not exceed the original aggression.

This principle is reinforced only a few verses earlier:

"Fight in the way of Allah those who fight you, but do not transgress. Indeed, Allah does not love the transgressors." (Qur'an 2:190)

These verses are not military manuals, nor do they dictate the operational decisions of a modern nation-state. Nevertheless, they provide an ethical framework that has influenced Islamic legal thought for centuries. A government that explicitly derives legitimacy from Islam is unlikely to ignore these principles entirely when presenting its actions to its own population and to the broader Muslim world.

This does not mean that religion alone determines Iranian strategy. Governments make decisions based on intelligence, military capability, domestic politics, economics, and international alliances. However, religious concepts can shape how those decisions are understood, justified, and communicated. Political psychology teaches us that leaders rarely separate strategic calculation from ideological belief. Instead, the two often reinforce one another.

From this perspective, every American strike creates more than military damage. It also creates justification for a proportional response. Once retaliation occurs, American leaders face their own political pressure to answer in kind. The result is a reciprocal process in which each side believes it is responding rather than initiating.

This reciprocal logic helps explain why ceasefires in this conflict have repeatedly collapsed. Negotiations may suspend military operations temporarily, but as long as one side resumes military action, the other side perceives itself as justified-- both strategically and, potentially, religiously-- in responding. Recent exchanges illustrate this pattern. After renewed American strikes against Iranian military infrastructure around the Strait of Hormuz, Iran launched attacks on U.S.-related targets in Jordan and elsewhere. The United States then responded with another wave of strikes, citing the deaths of American service members. Each action became the justification for the next.

The political psychology of escalation is remarkably consistent across history. Rarely do nations describe themselves as aggressors. Instead, each side constructs a narrative in which its own actions are defensive, necessary, and morally justified. This process gradually transforms retaliation into routine policy. Every military response is presented as restoring deterrence, while every retaliation by the opponent becomes evidence that even stronger measures are required.

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I was born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States in 1976 to study psychology. Over time, America became my home, and I later became a U.S. citizen. My professional career has centered on clinical neuropsychology, particularly (more...)
 
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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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When Scripture Shapes Strategy: Why Iran's Leaders Believe They Must Retaliate

One aspect that is often overlooked in discussions of the U.S.-Iran conflict is the religious identity of Iran's ruling elite. Whatever one's opinion of the Islamic Republic, its senior leaders define themselves not merely as politicians but as Muslims who claim to govern according to Islamic principles. Their legitimacy, both domestically and in the wider Muslim world, rests in part on the assertion that they are implementing God's guidance as revealed in the Qur'an.

From that perspective, Qur'anic injunctions regarding proportional retaliation are not simply historical or theological concepts; they can become part of the moral framework through which state actions are explained and justified. If leaders publicly claim that the Qur'an permits responding to aggression in kind while prohibiting excess, failing to respond to a military attack could be portrayed by critics as abandoning a religious obligation or displaying weakness before an adversary. Whether every policy decision is actually driven by religious conviction is open to debate, but the public commitment to Islamic governance means that Qur'anic language carries political weight.

This does not imply that Iran's leaders ignore military strategy, economics, or diplomacy. Rather, it suggests that strategic calculations and religious narratives may reinforce one another. Understanding this interaction helps explain why cycles of retaliation can become so persistent. Analysts who view the conflict solely through the lens of deterrence may miss an important dimension: for leaders who publicly claim fidelity to divine guidance, responding to aggression may be presented not only as a strategic necessity but also as a religious responsibility. Recognizing this perspective does not require accepting it; it is simply an essential part of understanding how the conflict is interpreted by those who govern Iran.

Submitted on Sunday, Jul 19, 2026 at 8:29:52 PM

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"One aspect that is often overlooked in discussions of the U.S.-Iran conflict is the religious identity of Iran's ruling elite. Whatever one's opinion of the Islamic Republic, its senior leaders define themselves not merely as politicians but as Muslims who claim to govern according to Islamic principles." Indeed. But those Islamic principles are the most brutal version and emphasize violent jihad against all "unbelievers". The Islamic regime is the source of ongoing war, not Israel or the US.

Israel is in the most imminent danger from that destructive worldview, although jihadi terror has afflicted most Western countries, including the US and Canada. We've been sadly reluctant to identify it as such, preferring to often diminish its significance as being perpetrated by "lone wolf" or "self-radicalized" terrorists. We now see that essential misunderstanding in JD Vance and the infamous MOU.

In a nutshell, negotiation/agreement with terrorists is a dangerous delusion and means ignoring the Qu'ranic justification for lying. The Iranian regime must be thoroughly defeated if peace is to be attained and Iran prevented from developing nuclear weapons. Trump has been distressingly slow to recognize this, and JD Vance seems completely, determinedly oblivious.

Submitted on Tuesday, Jul 21, 2026 at 5:22:00 PM

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You're of course right to bring the Quran in as the religious basis for the "why" of Iran's motivation to fight, or to continue fighting when attacked. But to the extent you describe it in your article, it could just as easily apply to Christian or even Jewish will to fight, as part of God's plan (I say "even" for Jewish motivation because Jew have always been such a major minority in the world that they simply cannot initiate or continue wars that involve relatively mass casualties over time).

But there are several distinctions which even a casual observer of Islam will notice that set it apart as both motivator and generator of violence at both the State and personal (aka terrorist) levels.

The concept of "Justice" under the Quran doesn't mean what it does to Western societies based on Judaeo-Christian heritage. Under Islam, as your quoted verse about "fear of Allah" implies but which many other verses are more specific, if there is an offense against Allah, one must commit Jihad - "a struggle or fight against the enemies of Islam and for the protection of the Islamic community: "he declared a jihad against the infidels" "the importance of jihad as a uniting force.-- Of course, individuals may be personally afraid, unable, or reluctant, but the way of Allah is to respond violently against the infidel and it is "justice" to do so. It is the highest obligation.

This is backed up by too many Imams* to quote, but the video archives from Memri, RAIR, or uncountable independent broadcasters make any other conclusion false and a deliberate effort to make Islam into just a religion like any other. It is not. The few peaceful passage from the prophet Mohammad were from his early days when he had a few dozen followers. Islam as a religion took off when it embraced violent conquest and stealing of the spoils. No other major religion is like that.

Further, in the modern telling there is an Islamic vision of "Paradise" that is almost embarrassing to Western Christian ears and thought. Islamic young men - who are the vast majority of fighters - are promised 72 amnesic virgins who are perpetually ready for sex, 10,000 years of orgasms, and a bordello fantasy when they die via Jihad. It sounds ridiculous and like obvious propaganda to non-Islamists but that is what Jihadist fighters believe, what is preached to them endless from childhood. There are again too many examples from Jihadists who survive to interpret Islam any other way. This is why Islam is often described as a death cult. Strict religious practices like having 4 wives and multiple concubines, even infidel female slaves, boost this imbalance where frustrated angry young men inevitably have no access to moderating female influence. This results in the mathematical inevitability of exporting Jihad to non-Muslim countries, just to provide women in this life, as well as the supposed next life. Female disempowerment is fundamental to Islam but not to Christianity or Judaism in modern form. If anything, it's getting worse (see: Afghanistan and the backsliding of women's rights to virtually none). Violence domestically mirrors violence in state-sponsored wars.

Islamists claim to be unafraid of death, even welcoming of it, though their leaders suspiciously seem to avoid it or they would not survive long enough to become leaders in the first place, just one of the many hypocrisies in Islam. A religion based on death worship will inevitably become violent and vengeful. This is not strength, it is psychological and clinical delusion. By treating Islam as "just another religion" and giving it the same freedom to exist as any other religion, the West dooms itself to Islamic takeover and obliteration. Islam is simply incompatible with the West, based on either the other two major monotheistic religions (or polytheism such as Hinduism) or secularism and atheism. It is a political system too, unlike the others. I fear it is unreformable too.

* There is a separate, structural problem with Islam as far as the rest of the world is concerned. There is no hierarchy of religious authority as there is for all major sects of Christianity or Judaism that is authoritative. Catholicism has its Pope. Even Christian sects without a single leader have elected councils, who tend to be elderly and therefore usually more restrained and seeking of peace (though not always). Imams become popular through charisma and knowledge of the literal Quran through memorization, which is rarely questioned, while Jews argue constantly over the meaning of the Torah and Christians divide into sects which wildly disagree with each other; e.g. Protestants literally "protested" against Christianity as defined by the Catholic Pope. There is, to date, no equivalent to "Christian (read: Catholic, but that was the major part of Christianity in the Middle Ages) reform" as happened in post-plague Europe, leading to the Enlightenment and even the Renaissance. Islam is backward looking and cannot move forward without jettisoning core beliefs and practices.

Submitted on Monday, Jul 20, 2026 at 1:27:46 AM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Thank you for taking the time to write such a detailed response. While we clearly disagree on many points, I believe your comment illustrates why careful distinctions between theology, history, and politics are essential.

Your argument treats Islam as a single, unchanging entity defined almost exclusively by its most militant interpretations. That is a conclusion many historians, Islamic scholars, and scholars of comparative religion would not accept. Every major religious tradition has evolved over centuries and has been interpreted in radically different ways by different communities.

Many of the characteristics you describe as uniquely Islamic are, in fact, found throughout the Abrahamic traditions. The principle of proportional retaliation ("an eye for an eye") appears in the Hebrew Bible and has influenced later religious thought. Biblical history also contains numerous accounts of divinely sanctioned warfare, conquest, and collective punishment. Medieval Christianity likewise fought religious wars, including the Crusades and the Inquisition, while both Christianity and Judaism have produced movements that justified violence in God's name. To acknowledge these historical realities is not to condemn those religions as inherently violent, but to recognize that religious texts are interpreted within particular historical and political contexts.

The same applies to the status of women. Historically, all three Abrahamic religions emerged within patriarchal societies. Head coverings for women have existed in Jewish, Christian, and Muslim traditions, and legal inequality between men and women characterized most pre-modern religious societies. These are historical developments, not uniquely Islamic phenomena.

I also think it is important to distinguish between descriptive and normative claims. The actions of groups such as ISIS, al-Qaeda, or the Taliban no more define the entirety of Islam than the actions of Christian extremists define Christianity or the policies of any contemporary government define Judaism as a religion. Political movements frequently invoke religion to legitimize violence, but that does not mean the religion itself has a single, fixed political meaning.

My article did not argue that Islam is uniquely peaceful, nor did it deny that religion can motivate conflict. Rather, it examined why societies under perceived existential threat often draw upon religious narratives to strengthen cohesion, resilience, and deterrence. Similar psychological mechanisms have been observed across civilizations, religions, and even secular nationalist movements.

As a clinical neuropsychologist, I am cautious about reducing the behavior of nearly two billion people to immutable theological traits. Human behavior is shaped by the interaction of history, culture, politics, social identity, economics, and religion. Explanations based on a single variable rarely withstand careful scholarly examination.

I appreciate the opportunity for a thoughtful exchange, even where we reach different conclusions.

Submitted on Monday, Jul 20, 2026 at 2:32:20 AM

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This is a history of the Crusades, according to a Dr. Maalouf (admittedly, an X Dr. may not be a real doctor of anything, but show me how it's wrong):

Reminder: the Crusades were a response to over 400 years of Islamic aggression against Christians and Europe.

632: Muhammad dies.

635: Muslims conquer the Christian city of Damascus.

636: Muslims conquer the Christian city of Antioch.

637: Muslims conquer the Holy Land.

639: Muslims conquer the first Christian country Armenia.

641: Muslims conquer the Coptic Christian country of Egypt.

650: Muslim armies reach southern Italy and Cyprus, taking thousands of captives as "slaves" and "concubines."

711: Muslims invade Spain, and by

715, they have occupied most of it.

717: Muslims besiege Constantinople but are repelled.

730: Muslims invade France, only to be stopped by Charles Martel at the Battle of Tours.

792: The ruler of Al-Andalus calls for the invasion of France, and Muslim armies are assembled to attack it again, but they are repelled.

827: Muslims invade Sicily and Italy, persecuting monks. Sicily remains under Islamic rule until 1092.

846: Muslims invade Rome and force the Pope to pay tribute. 848: A third invasion of France occurs, and they are repelled for a third time.

909: Muslims occupy Sardinia.

937: The Church of the Holy Sepulcher is burned down by Muslims, and more churches in Jerusalem are destroyed.

1009: Destruction of the Church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem.

1012: Beginning of al-Hakim's oppressive decrees against Christians.

1071: Turkish Muslims attack the Byzantines and occupy much of Anatolia.

1094: Byzantine emperor Alexios I Komnenos asks Western Christendom for help against the Muslim Turkish invasions.

1095: Pope Urban II finally declares the First Crusade.

There are, of course, moderates in every religion, but they are never the leaders nor its greatest adherents. The difference is: the Pope no longer has an army, since the Reformation, nor does any other branch or country that is majority Christian, even in rare countries that support State religions like Finland. Finland still has a secular army. Israel is infamous/famous depending on your POV, for NOT having a religiously driven army; the Heradi won't serve and are extremely controversial because of that. Netanyahu placates them because without them he can't get reelected and they won't support him unless he supports exemptions for Torah study. Israel may be drifting towards theocracy and many secular or diaspora Jews are reconsidering their support for it on that basis (including me).

With Islamic countries, there is no freedom of religion and the military is deeply infused with religious dogma, though tactically it may be as secular as anyone else; weapons don't care what religion you are and battlefield tactics don't either. But without the Mullahs, Iran is not a Jihadist country bent, or even based, on defeating the big and little Satins: American and Israel respectively. These are not variations on a religion, they are fundamental drivers of these societies. Where Islamic countries have become more Westernized, it is from rejecting the extremes of Islam, and everyone knows it, whether they are proponents or opponents of such moderation (which may only be a thin disguise for exporting terrorists to become Western country problems with their greater tolerance for extremists that the exporting countries would deal with much more harshly and hypocritically).

Submitted on Monday, Jul 20, 2026 at 2:58:12 AM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Thank you again for your thoughtful response. We have debated these issues before, and it is evident that neither of us has changed his fundamental position. I therefore do not intend to revisit every historical disagreement in endless detail, but I would like to respond briefly to several of your central points.

First, no serious historian disputes the early Islamic conquests. Nor does any serious historian dispute the military expansion of Christian kingdoms, the Crusades, European colonialism, or the conquest of the Americas. The question is not whether wars occurred, but whether military expansion uniquely defines one religion while similar conduct by others is treated as historical circumstance. I do not believe such a double standard is academically defensible.

Second, presenting the Crusades solely as a defensive reaction omits equally important historical realities. When the Crusaders entered Jerusalem in 1099, contemporary sources describe the large-scale killing of Muslims and Jews alike. Medieval Christian Europe also produced the Inquisition, religious wars, forced conversions, and centuries of persecution directed not only at Muslims but also at Jews, who were repeatedly accused of collective guilt for the death of Christ. History becomes distorted when only one side's violence is catalogued.

Third, you argue that Islam is uniquely violent because religion and politics are intertwined. Yet history demonstrates that religion has repeatedly been used by states of many faiths to justify conquest, occupation, and warfare. The political use of religion is a recurring feature of human civilization rather than the exclusive characteristic of one faith.

Fourth, regarding the status of women, historical inequality between men and women characterized virtually all pre-modern Abrahamic societies. Head coverings, legal inequality, and patriarchal family structures were present in Jewish, Christian, and Muslim communities alike. To present these features as uniquely Islamic overlooks the historical record.

Fifth, modern history also deserves equal scrutiny. For decades, respected international organizations, historians, and human rights scholars have documented the suffering of Palestinians under occupation. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter's book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid argued that the system imposed in the occupied territories resembled apartheid. Today, the conduct of the war in Gaza has generated unprecedented international criticism, including allegations of genocide and war crimes. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. Whatever one's political position, these developments demonstrate that no nation or religion is immune from allegations of grave violations of international law.

You suggest that Judaism was historically less militant because Jews lacked political power. I would instead argue that the political behavior of states changes with historical circumstances. The traumatic experience of the Holocaust understandably transformed Israeli security thinking and contributed to a far more militarized national outlook. Historical trauma can profoundly influence collective psychology. That observation is not unique to Israel; similar processes have occurred in many nations and cultures.

Finally, my article was never intended to portray Islam as uniquely peaceful or uniquely virtuous. It examined the psychological and political role that religion can play in sustaining national resilience under conditions of perceived existential threat. Those mechanisms are not exclusive to Muslims. Comparable dynamics can be found throughout history in Christian, Jewish, Hindu, Buddhist, and even secular nationalist movements.

At this point, however, I do not have the desire, the time, or the energy to continue an endless cycle of comment warfare. We have exchanged our views on several occasions, and I believe our respective positions are now well understood by readers. I therefore respectfully ask that we agree to disagree and bring this discussion to a close rather than continuing to defend positions that neither of us is likely to persuade the other to abandon.

Submitted on Monday, Jul 20, 2026 at 3:20:57 AM

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Scott,

Thank you for taking the time to present your historical chronology. We have discussed these issues before, and it is evident that neither of us has changed his fundamental position. I therefore have no intention of engaging in another endless historical debate. Nevertheless, your chronology illustrates several recurring methodological problems that deserve a brief response.

Your argument begins in 632 A.D. and concludes that the Crusades were merely a defensive response to Islamic aggression. The problem is not that many of the events you list occurred; they did. The problem is that your historical framework is selective. History did not begin with the rise of Islam. Long before Muhammad, the Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines built empires through conquest. Violence, imperial expansion, and religious persecution were characteristics of the ancient world, not inventions of Islam.

Likewise, no serious historian disputes the early Islamic conquests. But no serious historian disputes the Crusades, the Inquisition, the forced conversions in Spain, the religious wars of Europe, or European colonial expansion carried out under Christian banners. The question is not whether Muslims fought wars. They unquestionably did. The question is why Islamic expansion is presented as the defining characteristic of one civilization while similar conduct by Christian powers is treated merely as historical circumstance. That is not balanced history.

Your portrayal of the Crusades as purely defensive is also incomplete. Pope Urban II responded to a Byzantine request for assistance, but the First Crusade quickly became a campaign of conquest. Contemporary Christian chroniclers themselves recorded the massacre of Muslims and Jews after the capture of Jerusalem in 1099. Later Crusades frequently targeted fellow Christians as well as Muslims and were driven by political and territorial ambitions as much as religious devotion.

You also suggest that Christianity has evolved while Islam has not. History is far more complicated. Christianity underwent profound political change through the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and secularization. Likewise, the Muslim world is not politically or intellectually uniform. Nearly two billion Muslims living in dozens of countries cannot reasonably be reduced to a single political model.

Your comments regarding Israel unintentionally illustrate my point. You acknowledge that religious influence in Israeli politics is increasing and that many Jews themselves are concerned about that development. Indeed, whenever religion becomes fused with state power, regardless of the religion involved, the risk of absolutism and prolonged conflict increases.

The atrocities committed by Hamas on October 7 deserve unequivocal condemnation. But moral consistency requires the same standards for every government. The subsequent devastation in Gaza has produced one of the gravest humanitarian crises of our time. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on allegations including war crimes and crimes against humanity, while the International Court of Justice continues to consider allegations under the Genocide Convention. No state should be considered beyond legal or moral scrutiny.

Your comments on Iran similarly reduce a complex society to a religious stereotype. Having been born and raised in Iran and having studied its history for decades, I can assure you that Iranian politics cannot be understood through religion alone. Nationalism, historical memory, strategic interests, economic pressures, and factional politics are equally important. Ironically, the mindset reflected in your comments helped justify repeated military interventions in the Middle East and encouraged those who believed military confrontation with Iran would produce political transformation. Instead, such policies strengthened hardliners, undermined diplomacy, and ultimately alienated many traditional supporters in the United States and abroad. The catastrophic destruction in Gaza has further demonstrated that overwhelming military force does not necessarily produce strategic success.

As both a psychologist and a student of history, I have learned to distrust explanations that reduce centuries of human conflict to one religion or one civilization. Human behavior is considerably more complex than that.

Finally, we have exchanged our views several times, and it is evident that your conclusions are firmly established. I have neither the desire nor the time to continue another round of comment warfare. I therefore respectfully leave the matter here and allow readers to evaluate the historical evidence and reach their own conclusions.

Submitted on Tuesday, Jul 21, 2026 at 6:00:21 PM

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This is a remarkably comprehensive and well-written description of Islam. The only thing I can add is that I've come to see Islam as primarily a totalitarian philosophy, brutal and misogynistic in it's practice, with a thin veneer of spiritual practice. The Qu'ran's borrowing from the Torah and mentioning Jesus provide the weak qualifications of Islam as an "Abrahamic" religion, but neither of the others was led by a warlord.

With the entrenchment of the Muslim Brotherhood in Western countries, not to mention IRGC infiltration and miseducation of children and youth, we're on a dangerous track. Until our leaders in politics and education understand this, the delusion of "negotiation" and "agreement" with terroristic governments will continue.

Submitted on Tuesday, Jul 21, 2026 at 4:53:01 PM

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David,

Thank you for your comment. your analysis reflects many of the same assumptions that have characterized our previous exchanges.

You describe Islam as "primarily a totalitarian philosophy" with only a "thin veneer" of spirituality. Such a sweeping conclusion is not supported by serious comparative scholarship. Islam encompasses nearly two billion people living under vastly different political systems, cultures, and legal traditions. Indonesia, Senegal, Albania, Morocco, Jordan, and the Gulf states differ profoundly from one another, just as medieval Christendom differed from modern Europe. To reduce an entire civilization to a single political stereotype is not historical analysis; it is overgeneralization.

Your comparison with Judaism and Christianity is equally problematic. You suggest that Islam is only weakly Abrahamic because the Prophet Muhammad exercised political and military leadership. Yet the historical record of the Abrahamic traditions is considerably more complex than your summary suggests. The Hebrew Bible contains numerous accounts of divinely sanctioned warfare attributed to Moses, Joshua, Saul, and David. At the same time, it is important to recognize that modern archaeology and biblical scholarship have found no empirical evidence establishing the historical existence of Moses as described in the biblical narrative, nor is there archaeological evidence confirming the Exodus as traditionally understood. These accounts are widely regarded by many contemporary historians and archaeologists as foundational religious traditions whose historical basis remains uncertain or highly debated. If historical criticism is applied to Islam, intellectual consistency requires applying the same standards to Judaism and Christianity.

You further characterize Islam as uniquely brutal and misogynistic. Such judgments ignore the historical realities of virtually every pre-modern civilization. Patriarchal social structures, restrictions on women's rights, legal inequality, religious intolerance, and institutional violence were features of Christian Europe, Jewish communities, Muslim societies, Hindu kingdoms, and countless other civilizations. These were characteristics of their historical periods, not the exclusive property of one religion.

Your argument also assumes that religion itself is the principal driver of political violence. As a psychologist, I find that explanation reductionistic. Political behavior is shaped by leadership, historical trauma, nationalism, perceived threats, institutional interests, economic incentives, and struggles for power. Religion frequently serves as a source of legitimacy and group identity, but it rarely provides a complete explanation for state behavior. Political psychology consistently demonstrates that human conflicts emerge from multiple interacting variables rather than a single ideological cause.

Your remarks concerning the Muslim Brotherhood, the IRGC, and negotiations likewise oversimplify highly complex geopolitical realities. One may criticize both organizations-- and I have repeatedly criticized the authoritarian nature of the Islamic Republic-- without concluding that diplomacy is inherently futile. History demonstrates that negotiations have often succeeded between deeply hostile adversaries, including the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Rejecting diplomacy in favor of perpetual confrontation has repeatedly produced strategic failures.

Indeed, the mindset that divides the world into inherently irreconcilable civilizations has contributed to some of the greatest strategic disasters of our time. It encouraged the illusion that military force alone could remake the Middle East. Similar thinking contributed to escalating confrontation with Iran rather than understanding the political dynamics within Iranian society and government. Military action did not produce the political outcomes its advocates predicted. Instead, it strengthened hardline narratives, deepened regional instability, and weakened opportunities for diplomatic engagement.

The same pattern can be observed in the ongoing war in Gaza. The horrific attacks of October 7 deserved unequivocal condemnation. Yet the subsequent humanitarian catastrophe has generated unprecedented international criticism of Israel's conduct. The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on allegations including war crimes and crimes against humanity, while proceedings before the International Court of Justice continue regarding allegations under the Genocide Convention. Regardless of one's political views, these developments illustrate an important principle: no state or religion is immune from serious allegations of grave violations of international law. To excuse or ignore such scrutiny while condemning only the crimes of one's adversaries is neither intellectually consistent nor morally persuasive.

Finally, I would encourage greater caution in drawing broad conclusions from selective historical narratives. Serious scholarship requires complexity, nuance, and a willingness to examine evidence that challenges one's prior assumptions. Unfortunately, our previous discussions suggest that your conclusions are firmly established before the historical evidence is considered. Under those circumstances, further exchanges are unlikely to be productive.

For that reason, I have no interest in continuing another cycle of comment warfare. We have exchanged our views on several occasions, and I believe our respective positions are now clear to readers. I therefore respectfully decline to pursue this discussion further and will allow others to evaluate the arguments and evidence for themselves.

Submitted on Tuesday, Jul 21, 2026 at 5:54:46 PM

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David Wieland

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Reply to Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.:   New Content

I'm surprised that you consider this exchange of contrasting views to be "comment warfare". But it has become clear that you intend to take an academic position based on psychological analysis, whereas I favour contemporary history regarding jihad and the Muslim Brotherhood and the personal accounts of ex-Muslims who understand the routine indoctrination and cultural milieu they were raised in. It's unsurprising that scholars would be loathe to offer harsh critique of any religion, preferring instead to find similarities. But both historically and in recent times, Islam has set itself apart very deliberately, despite some apparently ecumenical efforts in Western countries. The "peaceniks" living in kibbutzim near Gaza thought they were engaged in similar efforts.

As for the futility of negotiating with a fanatical regime, I don't know if there's a better example than this (by way of Gemini): According to an account detailed in Eran Hermoni's book From Auschwitz to Tehran, during an October 2000 meeting in Tehran, a former Spanish Prime Minister directly asked Ayatollah Ali Khamenei what the first thing he thought about when waking up in the morning was. While preparing tea, Khamenei replied simply: "To destroy Israel" (or "Eliminating Israel").

But I also think this conversation has reached its limit.

Submitted on Tuesday, Jul 21, 2026 at 9:51:01 PM

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