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When Power Turns Destructive: How the Bombing of Iran's Infrastructure Risks War Crimes and Strategic Failure

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.
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When Power Turns Destructive: How the Bombing of Iran's Infrastructure Risks War Crimes and Strategic Failure

The ongoing bombing of Iranian infrastructure is being presented as a strategic effort to pressure the Iranian state. In reality, it is producing a far more predictable outcome: the systematic transfer of suffering onto civilians. When electricity grids collapse and water systems are disrupted, it is not policymakers who pay the price-- it is ordinary people.

Recent reporting indicates that strikes have already caused widespread blackouts and infrastructure disruption in major cities including Tehran, leaving large segments of the population without electricity and essential services.

This distinction is not rhetorical-- it is legal.

Under international humanitarian law, the principles of distinction, proportionality, and necessity are foundational. Civilian infrastructure indispensable to survival occupies a protected category. When such systems are repeatedly targeted without clear and direct military necessity, the pattern risks crossing into what may be defined as indiscriminate or disproportionate attacks-- core elements in the legal definition of war crimes.

Beyond legal doctrine, however, what is unfolding reflects a recognizable psychological pattern in leadership behavior under stress.

When leaders commit to a strategic outcome that fails to materialize, escalation often replaces recalibration. In clinical terms, this can resemble a narrowing of cognitive flexibility-- where complex realities are reduced to binary reactions: dominance or destruction. The result is not refined strategy, but intensified action.

This dynamic is particularly relevant in assessing the conduct of current U.S. and Israeli leadership. As initial expectations of rapid impact falter, the response appears to shift toward expanding the scale of force. Infrastructure becomes a visible target-- not necessarily because it is strategically decisive, but because it offers an immediate display of power.

In psychology, this pattern is well understood under pressure, dysfunctional strategies tend to amplify rather than self-correct.

The consequence is what we are now witnessing-- civilian life becoming the primary site of impact.

At the same time, the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) must be acknowledged. Its regional posture and internal dominance have contributed to the very tensions now unfolding. Yet even here, the current military approach does not directly recalibrate that power structure. Instead, it displaces suffering downward, onto society.

Iranian civilians thus find themselves trapped within a three-layered system of pressure: internal restriction, external bombardment, and systemic instability. They are neither the architects of policy nor the beneficiaries of power-- yet they absorb the full weight of both.

Reports emerging from inside Iran describe scenes of widespread destruction, toxic fallout, and severe disruption of daily life, reinforcing the scale of civilian impact already underway.

This raises a critical question: not only whether the strategy is effective, but whether it is legally and morally defensible.

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"I was born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States in 1976 to study psychology. Over time, this became home, and I later became a U.S. citizen. My professional life has centered around clinical neuropsychology, particularly (more...)
 
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2 people are discussing this page, with 6 comments  Post Comment


Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Title: Civilians in the Crosshairs: The Slow Erosion of Ordinary Life in Iran

For ordinary people in Iran today, life has narrowed into a state of suspended breath. It is no longer measured in days or plans, but in intervals between uncertainty-- between the last explosion and the next unanswered question. What is discussed in distant capitals as "strategy," "deterrence," or "pressure" translates on the ground into something far more immediate: a constant, unrelenting fear.

Families wake each morning not to routine, but to anticipation. What will happen today? Will the electricity hold? Will water still run? Will the streets remain safe? Or will another strike tear through the fragile structure of daily life? This is not abstract geopolitics; it is the lived reality of civilians who have no role in decision-making, yet carry its consequences.

The situation has been compounded by Israeli strikes targeting infrastructure such as railways, bridges, and transportation routes-- often justified under the argument that these structures may serve military purposes. In reality, the impact extends far beyond any strategic rationale. A destroyed bridge is not just a logistical disruption; it is a severed connection between families, a blocked path to hospitals, and a delay in the delivery of food and medicine. A damaged railway is not merely a tactical move; it interrupts livelihoods and isolates entire communities.

The language of "dual-use" may function within military doctrine, but on the ground its effects are indiscriminate. Civilians do not experience these strikes as precise. They experience them as collapse-- of infrastructure, of predictability, and of the basic conditions necessary for life.

Among the most vulnerable are those who depend on medical care. When infrastructure is damaged and supply chains falter, access to essential medications becomes uncertain or impossible. Hospitals operate under strain, often relying on unstable power sources while facing shortages. In such conditions, even reaching a medical facility becomes a risk.

Yet the deepest damage is psychological. This is not fear as a momentary reaction, but fear as a continuous state. It erodes resilience, reshapes perception, and narrows the future into a single question: what happens next? When uncertainty becomes permanent, life is no longer lived-- it is endured.

In this environment, political arguments lose their meaning. For those living through it, the issue is no longer strategy or outcome, but survival. Ordinary people-- neither decision-makers nor participants in war-- find themselves absorbing the full weight of forces beyond their control.

What remains is a population under pressure, navigating fear, and waiting-- always waiting-- for what comes next.

Submitted on Tuesday, Apr 7, 2026 at 3:59:01 PM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Civilians are not "collateral."
They are human beings-- living, breathing people whose lives are being reduced to statistics in reports and justifications in policy language. From a distance, it is easy to speak of "targets," "operations," and "strategic necessity." But on the ground, these words dissolve into something much more immediate and painful.

It is families waking up in fear, not knowing if the next explosion will be near their home. It is parents trying to reassure their children while they themselves are uncertain of what the next hour will bring. It is the quiet anxiety of those who depend on medicine, wondering whether supply lines will hold or whether a simple, treatable condition will become life-threatening.

When infrastructure is damaged-- bridges, railways, roads-- it is not an abstract disruption. It is a delayed ambulance, an unreachable hospital, a missed delivery of essential supplies. The argument that such structures may have military use does not change the lived reality of civilians who depend on them for survival.

Over time, this is not just physical destruction-- it becomes psychological erosion. A constant state of waiting, of anticipating the next strike, reshapes how people think, feel, and live. Life becomes something to endure, not to plan.

Civilians are not part of the strategy. They are the ones absorbing its consequences-- every hour, every day.

Submitted on Tuesday, Apr 7, 2026 at 4:14:39 PM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Ceasefire or Illusion of Victory? When War Reshapes Power Rather Than Winning It

The recent ceasefire may appear, on the surface, as a pause in violence. But in final analysis, what has occurred is not the end of a war-- it is a transformation of power, particularly within Iran. This conflict did not produce a conventional military victor. However, it did produce a decisive political outcome: a shift in who holds real power. And in that sense, there is a winner.

The most significant development has been the structural rise of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Where the clerical establishment once stood as the central pillar of the system, the IRGC has now effectively consolidated operational, security, and strategic authority. This is not a marginal evolution-- it is a transfer of power. The war accelerated a process that had been unfolding quietly for years: the gradual eclipse of the clergy by a militarized elite. Unlike the clerical leadership, which operated within certain ideological and institutional constraints, the IRGC represents a force that is more radical, more pragmatic in its use of power, and far less predictable. In effect, Iran has not simply survived the conflict-- it has been restructured around a harder, more disciplined core.

At the same time, the United States emerges as one of the principal losers of this confrontation. The impulsivity and erratic decision-making associated with Donald Trump contributed to a strategic miscalculation that deepened, rather than resolved, the crisis. In psychological terms, this reflects a classic escalation pattern: doubling down on flawed decisions under pressure in the hope of reversing outcomes. Instead of achieving deterrence or regime change, these actions reinforced the very forces they sought to weaken and narrowed the space for diplomatic solutions.

For Israel, the outcome is equally sobering. Despite its military capabilities, it failed to eliminate or significantly degrade the core structure of the Islamic Republic. At the same time, it absorbed sustained pressure and emerged with increased international scrutiny and reputational damage. What was intended as a demonstration of strength instead exposed the limits of military solutions against deeply entrenched political systems.

Yet the most profound loss belongs to the Iranian people. Prior to the conflict, Iran was already facing internal pressures-- economic strain, social dissatisfaction, and a growing legitimacy crisis. There was a real possibility that change could emerge from within. War altered that trajectory. Historically, external threats tend to consolidate internal power structures, even fragile ones. The "rally effect" replaces fragmentation with temporary cohesion. In this case, a system that was nearing potential collapse has instead become more resilient, more securitized, and more insulated from internal challenge.

Thus, the ceasefire does not represent victory-- it reflects a strategic stalemate on the surface, but a decisive shift beneath it. None of the external actors achieved their stated objectives. However, internally, the outcome is clear: the IRGC has emerged stronger, more dominant, and more central to the future direction of Iran.

If this war must be summarized in one line:
No state truly won the war-- but the IRGC decisively won the power that came out of it.

Submitted on Wednesday, Apr 8, 2026 at 2:06:47 AM

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As you noted, the IRGC has been increasing its power, but I've read that has been happening even under Khamenei . Its infiltration of Western countries, notably Canada I'm afraid, is a worrisome aspect of its operations and gives our countries strong reason to want its destruction, whether or not people realize that. That the Canadian government was disturbingly slow to designate it as a terrorist organization is shameful, but it's consistent with the apparent reluctance to deport identified agents.

As for the ceasefire, I don't see it favouring the regime for two main reasons: It isn't likely to last long, given that Iran broke it almost immediately, and even if it were to last two weeks the effort to thoroughly disable the IRGC will continue. Even Trump understands, despite his rhetoric, that the regime lies and cheats and can't be negotiated with in the way a normal country can. Sadly, more civilian pain is inevitable, but the Iranians I've seen interviewed seem resigned to that as long as the regime can be overthrown. The most determinedly hopeful voice I've heard belongs to Khosro Isfahani (Research Director at NUFDI), speaking to Erin Molan (.youtube.com/watch?v=jBb2F4gz-jo).

Submitted on Thursday, Apr 9, 2026 at 2:51:23 AM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Title: Beyond Security Narratives: The Deeper Problem of IRGC Networks and Western Blind Spots

Your point about the IRGC's growing influence-- even under Khamenei-- is absolutely correct, and I agree that its transnational footprint, particularly in countries like Canada, represents a serious concern. However, the issue goes deeper than infiltration alone.

Canada has, for years, functioned not only as a target of IRGC influence, but also-- intentionally or unintentionally-- as a safe haven for individuals with direct or indirect ties to the Islamic Republic's power structure. Among Iranians, there is even a bitter joke: they make the money in Iran, and spend it in Canada. This reflects a structural reality, not merely anecdotal frustration.

Many of these individuals are not ideological agents in the classical sense, but beneficiaries of systemic corruption-- capital flight networks, patronage structures, and shadow economic ties linked to the regime. The relative ease of visa access, combined with legal and bureaucratic gaps, has allowed this ecosystem to expand over time. This creates a paradox: while Western governments speak of confronting the IRGC, elements connected to that very system quietly integrate into their societies.

It is important to note that this issue is already being tracked. Legal experts in the field of transitional justice are actively documenting names, financial trails, and institutional affiliations. In the event of a political transition in Iran, these records could form the basis for future legal accountability. In that sense, what appears today as a migration pattern may tomorrow become part of a judicial process.

Regarding the ceasefire, I would urge caution against overly optimistic assumptions. The question is not whether the IRGC can be "disabled" through external pressure alone, but whether such pressure-- especially when inconsistent or rhetorically driven-- actually consolidates its internal power. Historically, external threats have strengthened the most hardline and militarized factions within the Iranian system.

This leads to a difficult but necessary conclusion:
While many Iranians understandably desire the end of the regime, the cost of externally driven escalation is often borne by the very society that seeks change, not by the power centers themselves.

In final analysis, we may be witnessing not the weakening of the system, but its transformation-- where the IRGC emerges even more dominant than the clerical establishment it once served.

Submitted on Thursday, Apr 9, 2026 at 8:08:01 AM

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Abbas Sadeghian, Ph.D.

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Invisible Blockade: The Strait of Hormuz Is Open-- But the World Has Already Slowed Down

The Strait of Hormuz remains technically open-- but in reality, it is no longer functioning as a normal global trade artery. What we are witnessing is not a formal closure, but a strategic paralysis.

Shipping has slowed dramatically. Many companies are delaying or rerouting vessels, not because the passage is officially blocked, but because the risks-- military tension, unclear rules of engagement, and soaring insurance costs-- have made normal operations unsustainable. This is what can best be described as a "soft" or invisible blockade: disruption without declaration.

Historically, closing the Strait outright would have triggered immediate and overwhelming military consequences. But the current approach reflects a more calculated strategy-- one that keeps the waterway technically open while injecting just enough instability to disrupt global flows. In this model, uncertainty itself becomes a weapon.

The effects are already visible. Energy markets react sharply even to limited disruptions, driving volatility and increasing global costs. Supply chains tighten, inflationary pressure rises, and economic uncertainty spreads far beyond the region. Yet none of this requires a single formal act of closure.

Perhaps more importantly, this environment strengthens the most hardline and militarized actors within Iran. External pressure, when inconsistent or driven by rhetoric rather than strategy, often consolidates-- not weakens-- such power structures.

What we are seeing, therefore, is not simply a shipping issue, but a transformation in how power is exercised. Direct confrontation is being replaced by controlled instability-- less visible, but often more effective.

The Strait is open-- but not truly operational.
It is not closed-- but it is no longer stable.

That is the new reality: a chokepoint that can disrupt the world without ever being shut.

Submitted on Thursday, Apr 9, 2026 at 8:57:03 AM

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